
I have just been to the annual EHES conference in Geneva, superbly organized by the Graduate Institute. I attended, wearing my hat as an editor of the
European Review of Economic History. There were many interesting papers; one in particular caught my eye. Income differences today are huge; Jones and Hall ten years ago told us that differences in „social institutions“ must be responsible. That sparked a lot of research. According to a highly influential paper by Stan Engerman and Ken Sokoloff, it’s easy enough to tell where good institutions come from – low inequality, as determined by geographic conditions. If you are unlucky, you start out with high inequality in land holdings, and end up with bad institutions. Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson have a paper that argues that an area’s suitability for settlement by Europeans determined how good your institutions are. Their data analysis is highly original. In fact, it may have been a little too clever – there is a pretty thorough critique of what they did by David Albouy, who highlights many problems with the data.
In conceptual terms, the thing that will bother some people who think about institutional quality is that institutions change over time; climatic and other conditions determining settler mortality will largely stay the same (there is malaria or there isn’t). The same is largely true of inequality in land holdings. Into the debate steps Elena Nikolova, a PhD candidate from the Woodrow Wilson School in Princeton. She finds that the American South – which had high land inequality, and was pretty unhealthy at least by US standards – actually had relatively „good“ institutions in the early colonial period. In particular, suffrage restrictions were lower than in the North. Then, after 1700, things turned around, and we see the well-known pattern. She argues that initially, generous suffrage rules encouraged the movement of free (white) labor to the South (in part as a precommitment to decent working conditions). When the slaves started to be imported in large numbers, suffrage restrictions increased – the poor whites lost out. She shows that restrictions came hard and fast where the soil and climate was particularly good for slave agriculture. This finding matters since it offers an economic handle on the origins of institutional decline and reversal – essentially, competition in the market for labor initially keeps the South „honest“, before undermining suffrage institutions later in the period. If there is justice in the academic labor market this year (...), Elena should get a great job.